I also extend thanks and appreciation for her management of the previous session to Ms. Annalena Baerbock, and, on this occasion, we cannot fail to express our great appreciation to His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, as he defends the Charter and advances the course of reform, having exerted his efforts to push initiatives that would make the United Nations more effective and influential. Regrettably, today I stand before your esteemed Assembly in circumstances of the utmost gravity that Sudan had not wished to witness in the precincts of an organization founded on the principles of equality in sovereignty among States and respect for international law, and as a representative of the legitimate causes.
It had been decided that standing before you today would be His Excellency General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan Abdelrahman, President of the Transitional Sovereignty Council of the Republic of the Sudan, to address the General Assembly on behalf of the people of the Sudan and his Government, and to ensure equitable participation for all its members. However, the host country prevented this by failing to issue the entry visa required for His Excellency to participate in the work of the high-level segment of the General Assembly. More serious and more regrettable is that this situation persisted despite the efforts exerted by the Secretariat and despite the Secretary-General’s call on the host country to issue the visa in accordance with the obligations incumbent upon it under the Headquarters Agreement of 1947.
Accordingly, the Republic of the Sudan calls upon the Secretary-General, the General Assembly, and the Committee on Relations with the Host Country to take whatever measures are necessary to preserve the sanctity of the Headquarters Agreement. Sudan also requests that this incident be officially documented and considered through the competent mechanisms within the United Nations concerned with implementation of the Headquarters Agreement.
The need remains urgent and pressing for comprehensive, prompt, and equitable reform of the international order in light of these developments and challenges, and for refraining from the use or threat of force in international relations, for political administration through dialogue and respect for international law, and for the peaceful settlement of disputes, and for not imposing coercive sanctions merely because of political differences, or using them to achieve specific political or economic objectives. Sudan has been living under sanctions imposed under Chapter VII for more than two decades, which have negatively contributed to harming its economy, security, and territorial integrity.
They have negatively affected Sudanese sovereignty and its status, exacerbated successive cycles of violence targeting civilians and fragile sectors, impeded national reconciliation and the protection of civilians.
The continued disregard and violation of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations through the use of force, the intervention in the internal affairs of States in its various forms, and the erosion of confidence in the multilateral international order, especially the United Nations, as well as the threat thereof in international relations, and the disregard of established principles of international law, threaten the Charter of the United Nations and the parties. Hence emerges the need to reform the United Nations and improve its working methods in line with current developments and conditions, and to ensure Africa’s representation in the Security Council with permanent seats, and to reform the international financial system in a way that achieves equality of opportunity in obtaining financing and implementing the Millennium Development Goals, sustainable development, and climate change.
We are a peace-loving nation, but we strive for a just peace. From this standpoint, we reiterate once again that comprehensive, lasting, and just peace in the Sudan cannot be achieved without ensuring that the conflict does not recur, stopping external interference and the flow of arms, munitions, and mercenaries to the terrorist militia in the Sudan, dismantling it, confining weapons exclusively to the hands of the State, and stopping its attacks on civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical and hospitals centers, and supporting the steady progress being made by the Government and its legitimate national institutions.
Sudanese in the protection of civilians and the peacebuilding process.
It is not possible to speak of peace and stability in the Sudan while the war of the Al-Dagalo terrorist militia continues, and while external interventions continue to fuel it against the people of the Sudan, imposed because of the Sudan’s geostrategic position, natural resources, and precious minerals, as you know.
The location of the Sudan strategically targets the rebel militia. The silence of the international community and its failure to take firm steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the terrorist militia in the Sudan, after documented and reliable evidence has become available, and to classify it as an organized terrorist group, and to curb the flows of weapons, equipment, and mercenaries supporting the war, only prolong the conflict. The quickest path to stopping the war is to take action to stop the terrorist militia operating across borders, and responding to this request is no longer optional.
We are astonished by the selectivity and double standards regarding the war and the protection of civilians in the Sudan, and by the continued presence and survival of State institutions, and by keeping weapons in the hands of the targeted invading and rebel militias. The inequitable narrative of equality between a national army and a terrorist militia outside the authority of the State cannot be accepted, nor can one demand a halt to the war and the protection of civilians while at the same time overlooking the transfer of weapons and equipment to the militia, which is one of the main causes of worsening the war of aggression against the Sudan.
This is not fanciful or rhetorical for a people, for the women and girls, and for those in the Sudan. Stopping it, condemning it, and designating the militia as a terrorist organization.
Silence toward the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in the Sudan is not merely complicity, but a betrayal of the civilian victims, and the militia’s remaining and keeping its weapons is an ongoing source of suffering that cannot be described by the harshest standards, and the Sudanese are showing unprecedented steadfastness in bearing it.
Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue: The call for Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue on the basis of national ownership represents one of the important pillars for achieving comprehensive peace. The call for Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue is the optimal path to resolving the current crisis, but it requires creating the appropriate environment for its success so that it may lead to the hoped-for outcomes as follows:
1. Taking synchronized, measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce the intensity of polarization and escalation, and contain the political rupture among civilian, political, and military forces. --- Measures to build confidence so as to lend the dialogue credibility and legitimacy. Achieving the dialogue through a purely Sudanese will free from external interference and away from bargaining, intimidation and terror exercised by some circles these days.
The necessity of implementing the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration between the Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, which include the basic obligations under international humanitarian law, facilitating humanitarian work, meeting the needs of civilians and those affected, and safe passage for civilians leaving areas of hostilities, on a voluntary basis.
Achieving peace in Sudan cannot be done without addressing the roots of the crisis and eliminating the causes and factors for its recurrence once again. Rather, it is a process that requires a measure of patience and determination. Previous experiences have taught us that merely signing peace agreements, without actually implementing the arrangements, addressing the roots of the conflict, disarming, confining arms to the hands of the State, creating the appropriate climate, rebuilding the State and building peace, puts the country on a path of fragility and vulnerability.
The State has already begun, through free and frank discussion, to arrive at common ground for the best and most comprehensive dialogue, which excludes no one except those against whom the law has taken effect, a political dialogue in which all Sudanese participate under free and fair regional and international monitoring.
At the end of the democratic transition period, it will lead to elections in which our people will decide who governs them.
The importance of financing development and participating effectively in its first session next October in preparation for its constituent work falls within the framework of supporting efforts to implement the roadmap for debt relief and seeking to improve relations with the international financial institutions and to lift Sudan from the temporary suspension status with the International Monetary Fund. Sudan has joined the platform of borrowing countries in order to achieve development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery phase.
We would like to extend our profound thanks to the Group of Least Developed Countries for the confidence granted to us and its consensus in electing us as Vice-Chair of the Group’s International Coordinating Bureau, and we will work to ensure the smooth and secure advancement of the Group’s development interests and economic recovery so as to guarantee graduation from the category.
In the same context, Sudan was keen to be among the first States to join the Alliance of the countries of the Global South and trilateral cooperation, out of belief in the importance of strengthening the concept of solidarity, mutual benefit and horizontal partnership as an alternative to the traditional vertical relations based on assistance, and we hope that our accession will be a motivation to benefit from the great weight of this Alliance in contributing to preparing the country for the post-war phase with its various requirements of economic recovery and reconstruction.
While we affirm Sudan’s openness to any sincere and constructive effort that will lead to ending the war imposed upon it in a manner that achieves peace, preserves the unity of the State and its territorial integrity and political independence, and ensures that a new armed rebellion does not erupt, at the same time we reaffirm once again our categorical rejection of any attempts to impose solutions, dictates or external agendas on our people. Our people are the صاحب القرار, and they are the ones who determine their future without influence or pressure, by virtue of their national ownership of making and building peace, as affirmed by resolution 2736.
Proceeding from this conviction, we affirm our readiness for constructive cooperation with initiatives aimed at addressing the roots of the crisis, ending the unjust aggression against our people, preserving the institutions of the national State, supporting their efforts to achieve peace and development for the country, overcoming the current challenges, and upholding its sovereignty.
We have supported the efforts of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Sudan, his meetings and consultations with neighbouring countries, and we have responded to proposals and constructive initiatives to stop the war of aggression. We have presented a purely Sudanese effort for exiting the crisis and restoring stability and reconstruction, embodied in the roadmap that was submitted to the Security Council and the Secretary-General in December 2025. We have also developed an integrated plan for the protection of civilians and have begun implementing it, and we have mechanisms for follow-up and implementation and periodic reports that we have submitted to the Security Council and the relevant organizations.
In parallel with those ongoing efforts, Sudan continues its positive cooperation with the United Nations, including the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, and human rights mechanisms, whether through the country office or the expert concerned with human rights in the Sudan, which have enjoyed the cooperation of the Government of Sudan. In this regard, we commend and appreciate the positions of the sisterly and friendly States that support the sovereignty, unity and preservation of Sudan’s national institutions and that support the Sudanese people with humanitarian assistance, and we express our readiness to strengthen bilateral cooperation and partnerships with them in various fields. We thank the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Qatar, the Sudan peace initiative and the roadmap, and Indonesia, China, Pakistan, the Russian Federation, Iraq, Japan, Kuwait, Oman, Turkey, Malaysia, Morocco and Algeria.
After the global momentum for solidarity with Darfur following the takeover by the Al Dagalo militia of Al Fashir, and with the availability of conclusive evidence and the testimony presented by Sultan Ali Dinar to the Security Council Committee, we call on the international community to move forward with legal accountability tracks, which is one of the effective paths to halt and de-escalate the wave of violations committed by the militia with major support from its regional and external patrons. This factor alone undermines the credibility of any political partnership during the remainder of the transition period with the political arm of the Rapid Support militia by virtue of your complicity, your continued sin in the killing of our people in Darfur, Kordofan and Blue Nile, and your failure nevertheless. The Security Council’s failure to condemn the patrons and name them contributed to covering up those atrocities. They also sought, in a systematic manner, to bring in foreign mercenaries and provide political cover for the militia’s political wing, while fabricating accusations against the Sudanese Armed Forces, which are supported by regionally funded platforms from among the militia’s patrons who promote misleading information, arbitrary accusations and fabricated condemnations in order to diminish the standing of our professional armed forces, which defended during the Second World War, fought with the Allies, and whose fitting response was planning to destroy it and imposing sanctions on its leaders and working to expand the scope of the arms embargo specific to the Darfur region to encompass the entire territory of the Sudan, paving the way for the victory of the militia and foreign mercenaries, who constitute 60 per cent of them.
The Armed Forces have, during the war of aggression, adhered to the following principles:
1. Commitment to protecting civilians in accordance with the adopted national plan that Sudan submitted to the Security Council.
Distinction at all times between combatants, civilians, civilian objects and military objectives.
2.
Taking precautionary measures to avoid and minimize incidental harm, and refraining from using civilians as human shields, not violating the principle of freedom of movement of civilians and humanitarian convoys, allowing them to leave areas of hostilities, committing to the protection of necessities essential for the survival of civilians, while prohibiting pillage, looting and destruction, committing to evacuation, and respecting and protecting private and public facilities and not using them for military purposes, refraining from recruiting children, and not engaging in enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention of civilians, while complying with humanitarian truces.
3.
There must be pressure exerted on the regional sponsors and some neighbouring countries that have not been content with the transfer of weapons, equipment and supplies to the militias across their territories, but have also opened fronts of fighting and repeated attacks launched by militias and mercenaries from within their territories in broad daylight, and have established hospitals on their borders to treat militia wounded.
The question of Palestine will remain the central issue in the Middle East, and the Palestinian people must be enabled to exercise their right to self-determination, establish their independent State with East Jerusalem as its capital, and ensure the return of refugees, in accordance with resolutions of international legitimacy.
We affirm our full support for the States of the region to preserve their sovereignty and security and to end the current situation in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab in a manner that spares the peoples of the region the scourge of war and its repercussions. Sudan also affirms the importance of the stability of the Gulf, which affects the entire region, and the importance of respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
Before concluding, I wish to convey to you the greetings of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who now stands behind a leader publicly proclaimed by his people as they chant: one people, one army.