Provisional Data as of 2026-09-30 11:52:56 UTC. dv2. 194 Member State statements from the 81st session.

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Egypt

Moustafa Kamal MadboulyPrime Minister · 2026-09-25 · 2,685 words

Delegation document, translated for this analysis Source page at gadebate.un.org →

Office of the Prime Minister Media Office Statement Arab Republic of Egypt Before the General Debate of the High-level Segment of the United Nations General Assembly September New York (short breath) brief pause Guide to symbols: — delivery copy confirming tone = underlined word (full stop at the end of an idea) Mr. President of the eighty-first session His Excellency Mr. Khalil Al-Rahman, of the United Nations General Assembly Secretary-General of the United Nations His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, the United Nations, Their Majesties, Highnesses and Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen, At the outset, it gives me pleasure to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Minister Khalil Al-Rahman on the occasion of his assumption of the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly and to express to him our full support and confidence, and that I am confident in his ability to steer the work of this session successfully.

The title under which the General Assembly meets this year, “Restoring confidence in the international system: managing transformation and strengthening institutions of global governance,” accurately reflects the challenge facing us today; for our world is changing today at a pace much faster than the capacity of international governance institutions to respond, and the crisis is not in the absence of charters and principles, so much as it is in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we apply, between those who make decisions and those affected by them.

It is no longer sufficient to content ourselves with a formal multilateralism but rather with an effective multilateralism, in which every State has a fair share of decisions, and every people a voice that is heard, free from exaggeration in opportunities and resources.

Trust in the usefulness of collective action and in the international system has declined, and there is an urgent need to restore recourse to international law and to avoid policies of force and double standards.

It is not by coincidence that the countries of the global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world’s population, are among the parties most harmed by the retreat of the rule of international law, the weakening of the frameworks of global governance and international cooperation, and the role of interlinked UN institutions.

From this standpoint, Egypt believes that restoring confidence in the United Nations requires three basic pillars: justice in representation and decision-making, justice in the application of law, and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities.

This is not a call to rebuild the international system from zero, but rather a call to fulfill its promises and purposes: equality among States, respect for sovereignty, the settlement of disputes peacefully, and enabling international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and ensuring that all benefit from the fruits of accelerating scientific progress.

Multilateralism remains an indispensable choice, but the effectiveness and sustainability of the international system and the guarantee of its continuity remain contingent upon entrenching justice in the application of the rules.

The real test, Mr. President, is not contenting ourselves with recalling the principles upon which its institutions were established, but acting on their basis without inertia.

.// If the Palestinian question remains the test of the credibility of the international system, then what the Palestinian people have witnessed and continue to be subjected to, of suffering, repression and violations, is the clearest proof of the existing dysfunction.

It must not be allowed to turn into a familiar reality, or into a protracted crisis managed from one round to another.

Stabilizing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with the peace plan of the “Trump” Summit and the Sharm El-Sheikh Summit, ensuring full commitment to it, completing the withdrawal, halting the daily Israeli violations, and enabling the secure and sustainable delivery of humanitarian assistance are not only humanitarian steps, but are also the necessary entry point for the immediate transition to early recovery and reconstruction, by empowering and securing the national committee for the administration of Gaza to directly carry out its work, then to a serious political path that addresses the roots of the conflict and ends it.

In this context, Egypt affirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

./ / The international community bears a clear responsibility to stop all systematic Israeli violations of international law; for peace cannot be built on the uprooting of a people from its land, nor can stability be achieved in the region in the shadow of a policy of managing the occupation instead of ending it.

Every perception that the Palestinian people’s suffering can be ignored, or that the Palestinian State can be prevented from coming into being, is nothing but illusion and fantasy.

:// That goal will remain clear and unambiguous: the embodiment of the independent Palestinian State with sovereignty, contiguous geographically, on the lines of the fourth of June nineteen hundred and sixty-seven, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in the framework of the two-State solution, in accordance with the resolutions of international legitimacy.

This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian land, empowering the Palestinian people, and the Palestinian political system, to administer their own affairs and build their State, with the international community assuming its responsibility.

It also requires dealing with the rights on the basis that they are non-negotiable, not bargaining chips granted or withdrawn according to balances of power, or Palestinian bidding wars, / / or in cooperation with partners and electoral calculations.

Egypt has borne its responsibility, politically and in action, as it was the largest source for consolidating the ceasefire, and Egypt has worked to open horizons for the humanitarian assistance that reached the Gaza Strip, and Egypt will continue these efforts for reconstruction.

Yet the success of this remains dependent upon an international will that turns legitimacy into decisive political action, and moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes.

The experience of our region confirms that managing crises instead of resolving them does not create peace, Rather, they are merely postponed explosions, and their cost is multiplied. Egypt adheres to a clear vision for regional security, at the heart of which are respect for the sovereignty of States and the unity of their territories, rejecting the dismantling of States or the creation of parallel entities to them, and upholding political solutions and national settlements above narrow loyalties and the imposition of force and coercive realities.

However, in every crisis witnessed by the Middle East region in all its breadth, from the Ocean to the Gulf, although the circumstances and details differ, the inclusive and capable national State for all its citizens remains the sole and true foundation, together with legitimate institutions, for stability.

No State can believe that its interests can be secured by undermining the institutions of another State, or that the security of shipping lanes and trade and energy can be ensured through threatening the security of its neighbours, bombing them, violating the sovereignty of States, or through any regional party supporting militias politically and economically, sponsoring the orientations of the national State, or becoming, in the utmost frankness, part of the problem through separatist practices and civil fighting. Security is indivisible, and can only be achieved through respect for international law.

The responsibility of the international community as a whole for the region’s crises requires that each crisis be addressed within an interconnected regional and security environment, rather than being regarded as an isolated case. Therefore, Egypt calls for encouraging political settlements and supporting State institutions, in accordance with the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions, national unity and sovereignty, peacebuilding, preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources of the peoples of the region, and stopping external interventions.

And in this context, I must clearly reaffirm that water security for Egypt is an existential issue. It is not merely a resource to be bargained over; rather, it is a lifeline that does not tolerate compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource; the existence of Egyptian society and its development have been linked to it throughout history. We also believe that transboundary water resources must be an area for cooperation and integration, not conflict. Egypt believes that water security and development are not two contradictory goals, but rather complementary, if the political will exists, intentions are sincere, and international law is respected.

We do not stand against the right of any people to development; rather, we defend a clear and just principle: that one party’s development must not be pursued through unilateral measures with shared resources, causing harm to others, but through cooperation, good faith, and reaching binding agreements — in accordance with international law — that preserve the rights and legitimate interests of all. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate right, guaranteed by the Charter of the United Nations and international law, to protect its water security and to preserve its existential capabilities for its people.

With the multiplicity of sources of threats facing our region, whose effects extend beyond borders, the crisis in the brotherly Sudan affects the security and safety of civilians, and in confronting those military confrontations and the risks of dismantling State institutions, brotherly Sudan finds in Egypt a support and a strong backing for its people, for its right to unity, in institutions capable of preserving its resources, and in justice that upholds its dignity.

Justice is incomplete if the institutions that shape the reality of the world they administer remain far removed from fair representation in decision-making. More than eight decades have passed since the establishment of the United Nations, at the head of its institutions the Security Council, while those institutions still reflect historical balances that reality has overtaken. Nor can institutions created for a different world retain their full legitimacy and effectiveness unless they reflect the world they are supposed to serve today.

Therefore, Egypt remains committed to a genuine reform of the Security Council that addresses injustice comprehensively, in accordance with broad consensus and in a manner that specifically redresses the historical reality imposed on Africa by the “Ezulwini Consensus” and the Sirte Declaration. Developing countries also demand an acceleration of the rebalancing of political voice in global economic governance.

The global economic imbalance means that States face, at one and the same time, crises, the green transition, adaptation, job creation and financing, while operating within an increasingly narrow fiscal space, higher financing costs and mounting debt burdens. Therefore, we believe that reforming the international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity, and that we are in need of expanding development financing, mobilizing multilateral development financing so that it is more representative, responsive and effective, and addressing debt fairly.

We also need to develop innovative financing instruments, move towards a more concessional lending system, accelerate and increase the capacity of financial institutions and banks, and adopt a more equitable system in assessing countries’ needs and investment risks in them, without transferring risks onto fragile States, in a manner that assists in mobilizing private capital.

States must not be placed before a choice between servicing debt and financing education, health, food and infrastructure. Development is not a grant, but a right, and investing in it is an investment in stability and in the ability of States to prevent crises before they turn into humanitarian and security crises that cross borders.

At a time when we are working on reforming inherited imbalances, we must not allow their reproduction in the future.

The fifteenth century opens vast horizons for knowledge, innovation and growth. Artificial intelligence opens vast horizons and can improve services, but it may also create a new and enormous gap linked to the possession of computing power, data and models, as well as skills and financing. Therefore, managing this transformation requires formulating frameworks for the governance of artificial intelligence and emerging technologies on the basis that technology is a global benefit and not a closed privilege for a limited number of States or companies. Egypt supports the role of the United Nations and global dialogue in setting principles that combine innovation and responsibility, ensure transparency and accountability, protect privacy, transfer knowledge, respect international law, ensure human oversight, prevent discrimination, develop skills, and finance digital infrastructure and technology, thereby enabling developing countries to be producers and framers of technology, not merely markets for it.

It should also reflect linguistic and cultural diversity, and Arab and African societies and languages should enjoy fair representation in data and models. Egypt has launched the second edition of its National Artificial Intelligence Strategy, 2025–2030, proceeding from the firm conviction that the safe and responsible use of technology and capacity-building are two inseparable conditions. The same principle should govern the green transition: there can be no just transition if ambition is detached from justice in means of implementation, and from development and poverty eradication.

Climate action must proceed side by side with granting adaptation, water and food security, creating job opportunities, and giving States, especially in Africa, the priority they deserve, as they are the most exposed to the repercussions of climate change. From the reality of Egypt’s experience in hosting the Climate Conference in Sharm El-Sheikh, and what it yielded in terms of decisions, we can affirm that the gap no longer lies in diagnosing the problem, but in implementation; in transforming pledges into financing flows and technology projects that reach the countries and communities most in need.

And in a world where geopolitical and technological shifts are accelerating, we must not allow that to lead us to more dangerous arms races. Egypt renews its adherence to a balanced system for disarmament and non-proliferation, without double standards, and to the goal of establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. Collective security is not achieved by the accumulation of instruments of destruction, but by equal rules and obligations applied to all, and by making prevention a priority, not a belated response after escalation occurs.

Egypt, in putting forward this vision, does not merely call for reform of the international order; rather, it places its experience and capabilities at the service of solutions. Proceeding from its location and heritage—Arab, African and Mediterranean—and from its historical role in the establishment of the multilateral international order, Egypt will remain a bridge to all who seek a more just and sustainable multilateral international system, and a partner to all who seek a more effective one.

We will continue to invest in partnerships with different parties, to remain open to cooperation and the exchange of expertise, and to work with all on solutions that do not impose a single model and that respect the priorities of the North and the South. Legitimacy is acquired when common ownership is transformed into shared outcomes, and when institutions regain trust. Transformation is not imposed, but managed; it is not demanded, but built on justice. Our order regains trust and effectiveness through participation.

Egypt will remain supportive of every effort that restores confidence and contributes to managing the transformations of our world and of the multilateral international order, in a fair and participatory manner, in service of the interests of our peoples and the future of coming generations.

Before concluding my statement, I would like to take this opportunity to convey sincere thanks and appreciation to His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has led the Organization through one of the most difficult and delicate periods in its history, with the honour of undertaking his mandate and with sincere endeavour, courage and determination to protect the standing of the United Nations and its role, to defend international law, and to preserve its credibility, moral authority and the principles upon which the Organization was founded. These efforts will remain the subject of our sincere gratitude. As I express my appreciation and remembrance for what he has exerted in efforts, I wish him every success in what lies ahead.

Thank you.

81-EGY · text sha256 92c5cf580f9ce767… · 69 sentences